There have been two major approaches in the generative syntax literature toward the analysis of tough-constructions (TCs) in English: the base-generation account and the long-movement account. Both accounts share the common assumption that the derivation of TCs involves an A-bar movement step at some point. In this paper, I present a new analysis of TCs that does not rely on A-bar movement. Instead, I seek to explain the potential unboundedness of TCs through resumptive prolepsis, which is recognized for its ability to imitate A-bar dependencies. The proposed analysis not only factors out improper movement and theory-internal formatives like null operators from the derivation of TCs, but also provides an explanation for other constraints associated with TCs, such as the unavailability of subject gaps, which neither the base-generation account nor the long-movement account can adequately capture.