Pseudo-gapping: Evidence for Overt Quantifier Raising

Loading...
Thumbnail Image
Penn collection
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics
Degree type
Discipline
Subject
Funder
Grant number
License
Copyright date
Distributor
Related resources
Author
Tanaka, Hideharu
Contributor
Abstract

This paper explores the grammatical process of pseudo-gapping. In the literature, pseudo-gapping has been analyzed as a series of two operations: the syntactic movement of a remnant out of a VP (Move-R) and the phonological deletion of the VP (VP-deletion). Given this movement + deletion theory, I address what type of movement Move-R is. This paper makes a new argument against Takahashi’s (2004) approach, and for Johnson’s (2008) approach; the former identifies Move-R with the combination of Heavy NP Shift and Object Shift, while the latter identifies it with Quantifier Raising (QR), whose output is covert in general cases. Specifically, it is shown that the latter, but not the former, can predict two facts: that the object of a preposition in an NP-PP argument construction can be a remnant and that no predicate NP can be a remnant. The QR approach is then extended by adopting the single output model of syntax (e.g., Bobaljik 1995). In particular, a new phonological theory of QR is proposed, which provides four possible ways to reduce the chain of QR, depending on whether VP-deletion applies and whether the moved element is focused. This new theory is shown to explain why the output of QR can be overt in pseudo-gapping. Considering the possibility of overt QR, this paper concludes by arguing against the traditional T model of grammar, or the dual output model of syntax (e.g., Chomsky and Lasnik 1977).

Advisor
Date Range for Data Collection (Start Date)
Date Range for Data Collection (End Date)
Digital Object Identifier
Series name and number
Publication date
2017-01-01
Volume number
Issue number
Publisher
Publisher DOI
Comments
Recommended citation
Collection