A New Way to Define Binding Domain in Korean
This paper examines a binding paradigm in Korean which is claimed to support the Highest Edge Effect (HEE), where in a phase with multiple edges, only the highest-edge is accessible from outside of the phase due to the Phase-Impenetrability Condition (PIC), as proposed in Bošković (2013). It has been argued by a number of authors that the binding domain for principle A should be stated in terms of phases (e.g. Lee-Schoenfeld 2008, Despić 2011, Wurmbrand 2013b, Zanon 2015, Bošković 2016a). Under this approach, an anaphor must be bound in its minimal phase. What is important for our purposes is that an anaphor can be bound outside of its own minimal phase XP only if it is located at the edge of the phase (the anaphor then does not really “belong” to phase XP, but to a higher phase). I also argue that the binding patterns from Korean examined here provide empirical evidence for contextuali-ty of phasal edgehood, where the existence of another specificer of a phase (i.e. edge) affects the edgehood of other specifiers (see Bošković 2016a).