This paper examines the distribution and semantic contribution of post-positional scalar 'only', a focus-sensitive operator in Indian English. It is proposed that `only' contributes a presupposition placing the intension of its complement at the top of an expectation scale of contextually-determined focus alternatives. Further, 'only' interacts with negation and results in two different presuppositions depending on whether the negation scopes inside or outside the focus-marking.