The aim of this paper is to analyze the syntactic behavior of morphologically marked lexical causatives in Basque (e.g., i-ra-katsi ‘teach’ < ikasi ‘learn,’ or e-ra-karri ‘attract’ < ekarri ‘bring’). It will be shown that the -ra- morpheme in Basque lexical causatives cannot be realizing an abstract vCAUSE head, as has been proposed for other languages with overt causativizing morphology (Harley 2008 for Japanese, Tubino-Blanco 2010 for Hiaki, Key 2013 for Turkish, among others). Syntactic, semantic, and morphological evidence will be adduced against the vCAUSE approach. It will also be argued that -ra- cannot be the reflex of an abstract vDO head. All in all, the conclusion will be reached that the flavors-of-v hypothesis makes the wrong predictions for the case of Basque. An alternative proposal will be offered according to which -ra- is the overt realization of a v/Voice bundled head (Pylkkänen 2002/2008) where the features associated with v are highly underspecified. This proposal, together with the assumption that the causative alternation is a Voice alternation (Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou and Schäfer 2015), can account for a series of interesting phenomena without giving rise to the empirical problems that arise with the flavors-of-v approach. If the analysis put forth here is on the right track, it evinces that Voice bundling cannot be a theory of parametric variation, as the same language is allowed to have both Voice-bundling and Voice-splitting constructions.