Differential Object Marking (DOM) is a widely studied crosslinguistic phenomenon, whereby only certain objects are case marked (e.g., Bossong 1991). In Northern Levantine-Arabic (NLA), DOM is only grammatical with definite objects (Aoun 1999). Beyond definiteness, individuation has been argued to be key in licensing Arabic DOM (Brustad 2000, Khan 1984). Zarka (2021) further observes that NLA DOM is sensitive to nominal quantification, such that DOM marking is licit with count but not with mass nouns. The broader goal of the current study is to systematically explore the effect of noun type on the distribution of NLA DOM. More specifically, we experimentally test the individuation generalization, particularly, Zarka's (2021) proposal that quantification is the relevant feature in licensing the distribution of DOM in NLA. In a departure from ZarkaÕs original proposal, though, our study takes 'quantification' to involve not only the morphosyntactic level but also the perceptual level. Using a gradable acceptability judgment task with 48 native speakers, we test which of these two aspects of nominal quantification is the relevant aspect for NLA DOM. Our experimental data generally support the observation in previous literature that individuation is relevant for the distribution of DOM in Arabic, with prototypically individuated nouns (i.e., count nouns) receiving high acceptability scores in DOM structures, and unindividuated nouns (mass nouns) receiving low acceptability scores in these structures. Further, our results show that the specific individuation feature for NLA DOM is quantification (Zarka 2021). However, contra Zarka (2021), we show that 'morphosyntactic countability' is not the right dimension for characterizing the distribution of nominals with DOM. Instead, licensing DOM depends on whether the direct object denotes perceptually discernible individuals.