Towards a Syntactic Focus Movement Account of the Sluicing-Like Construction in Chinese
There have been two camps on the analysis of the ellipsis construction dubbed sluicing by Ross (1969) in Mandarin Chinese. The pseudosluicing analyses argue that Chinese sluicing involves a copular clause with a null pro, whereas the focus movement analyses propose that it is derived from focus movement plus TP-deletion. In this paper I provide evidence for the second view by showing parallels between sluicing and the wh-fronting construction in Chinese. Three parallel behaviors involve the distribution of shi, exhaustive identification, and the (im)possibility of the how family.