Proceedings of the 37th Annual Penn Linguistics Conference
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03/28/2014
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Publication Faithfulness Conflict in Korean Blends(2014-01-01) Ahn, SuzyThis study addresses the question of what basic principles and constraints govern blending while focusing on the description and analysis of phonological properties of Korean blends. Korean blending shows a systematic phonological word-formation process that usually preserves the prosodic structure of the head source word, while the initial part of the segmental sequence of the blend is from the non-head source word. This general pattern can be explained by adopting prosodic faithfulness constraints for the head and segmental faithfulness constraints for both source words. Usually, prosodic faithfulness overrides segmental faithfulness. General and exceptional patterns of Korean blends can be explained by the interaction of prosodic faithfulness and segmental faithfulness constraints within the framework of Harmonic Grammar.Publication Building Deverbal Ability Adjectives in Icelandic(2014-01-01) Wood, Jim; Sigurðsson, Einar F.This paper discusses two ways of forming Icelandic ability predicates: one with the present participle (Ability Participles, APs) and the other with an adjectivizing affix (Ability Adjectives, AAs). We show that they each share distinct properties with passives and with middles (and differ from both). We compare the meaning of the different ability predicates; in APs, the ability relates to properties of the understood subject or the event process, whereas in AAs, the ability relates to propertes of the object. On our analysis, the adjectivizing head of AAs attaches on top of a participial structure which both APs and AAs share.Publication Mandarin Resultative Verb Compound Involves VP Complementation(2014-01-01) Liu, MingmingMandarin Resultative Verb Compounds (RVCs) are verbal complexes of the form V1-V2, where V1 denotes an activity and V2 the result of that activity. Previous literature either assigns to RVCs a Complex Verb structure [V V1-V2] (Li 1990, Williams 2012) or a Small Clause structure [V1P V1 [SCV2]] (Sybesma 1999). In the paper, I will propose a VP Complementation syntax for Mandarin RVC [V1P V1 [V2PV2P]] (similar to Sybesma 1999 but contra Williams 2011,see (1) (Also, in (1) there are multiple V-to-v movements, see Collins 2002)) and present new data to support it. Specifically, the data involves two types of Event Modifiers Duratives and Locatives, and I will show those event modifiers can modify either V1 or V2, independently; also, the positions of these modifiers determine their interpretations and that certain positions of Duratives are not allowed, all of which are predicted by the VP Complementation syntax.Publication Preface(2014-03-27) Kwon, SoohyunThe University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (PWPL) is an occasional series published by the Penn Linguistics Club. The series has included volumes of previously unpublished work, or work in progress, by linguists with an ongoing affiliation with the Department, as well as volumes of papers from NWAV and the Penn Linguistics Colloquium. This volume contains selected papers from the 37th Penn Linguistics Colloquium, held from March 22nd-24th, 2013 in Philadelphia, PA at the University of Pennsylvania. Thanks go to the editorial board, in alphabetical order: Hezekiah Akiva Bacovcin, Haitao Cai, Mao-Hsu Chen, Eric Doty, Aaron Ecay, Sabriya Fisher, Amy Goodwin Davies, Guðrún Björg Gylfadóttir, Anton Karl Ingason, Helen Jeoung, Yong-Cheol Lee, Kobey Shwayder, Einar Freyr Sigurðsson, Elizabeth Sneller, Karen Tseng, Robert Wilder and David Wilson. Since Vol. 14.2, PWPL has been an internet-only publication. Since Vol. 13.2, PWPL has been published both in print and online gratis via ScholarlyCommons@Penn. Due to the large number of hits these online papers have received, and the time and expense of managing a back catalog of PWPL volumes, the editorial committee decided in 2008 to cease print publication in favor of wider-scale free online dissemination. Please continue citing PWPL papers or issues as you would a print journal article, though you may also provide the URL of the manuscript. An example is below: Ahern, Chris. 2014. Mergers, Migration, and Signaling. U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 20.1: Proceedings of PLC 37, ed. S. Kwon, 1-10. http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol20/iss1/2 The entire back catalog has been digitized and will be available on ScholarlyCommons@Penn soon. Publication in the University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (PWPL) does not preclude submission of papers elsewhere; copyright is retained by the author(s) of individual papers. The PWPL editors can be contacted at: U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 619 Williams Hall University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104–6305 working-papers@ling.upenn.edu http://ling.upenn.edu/papers/pwpl.html Soohyun Kwon Issue EditorPublication A Semantics for Object-Oriented Depictives(2014-01-01) Motut, AlexandraThis paper presents a complex-predicate analysis of depictive secondary predicates (DSPs) in English that accounts for the restricted combinations of primary- and secondary-predicates for object-oriented depictives (OODs). I argue that these restrictions are the result of a presupposition introduced by the functional head, Dep, which introduces the depictive secondary predicate. This presupposition places a restriction on the main predicate, requiring that there be a subpart of the object in the primary predicate relation for every subsituation/subevent of the situation/event denoted by the primary predicate. I further argue that there is independent evidence for the use of the subpart relation in Dep’s presupposition, since it explains a previously unnoted connection between the partitive construction and OODs: the partitive constraint on NP complements of partitive of parallels the constraint on objects that can form OODs.Publication Rising pitch, continuation, and the hierarchical structure of discourse(2014-01-01) Tyler, JosephThe meaningful contribution of terminal rising pitch has received a fair amount of scholarly attention, discussed for its ability to create questioning force on declarative syntax (Gunlogson, 2008), as part of listing intonation (Ladd, 2008), as well as indicating discourse relationships (Jasinskaja, 2010; Nilsenová, 2006; Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg, 1990). A common interpretation of the meaning of rising pitch is that it conveys incompleteness, more-to-come, continuation or is ‘forward-looking’ (Bolinger, 1989; Hirschberg, 2008; Pierrehumbert & Hirschberg, 1990). Recent experimental results contribute to this discussion, showing a rise can bias towards the coordinating interpretation of a coordination/subordination discourse ambiguity (Tyler, 2012). Because both interpretations of the ambiguity involve continuation, the rise is signaling not just that you continue but how you continue. In this paper, I will briefly present these results and then integrate them into a unified account of the contribution of rising pitch, which I see as a signal of incompleteness with respect to the current hierarchical level of the discourse.Publication Projective Meanings of Thai Passive-type Constructions, and Implications for East Asian (Chinese bei) Passive Constructions(2014-01-01) Kim, LanFollowing the idea advanced and developed by a growing number of researchers in which a sentence may involve two tiers of meaning (e.g., Karttunen 1973, Karttunen and Peters 1979, Potts 2005, Roberts et al. 2009, Bosse et al. 2012, Bruening and Tran Ms., Kim, to appear), this paper suggests that (i) in Thai thuuk and doon are syntactic heads which are associated with two dimensions of meaning in multidimensional semantics, an at-issue meaning (i.e., the main assertion of a sentence) and a not-at-issue meaning, and that (ii) the adversative meaning that is implicated in thuuk and doon constructions is projected as a not-at-issue meaning, similar to the case in the Vietnamese bị constructions (Bruening and Tran, Ms.). Further, I shall show that only the short form is a passive construction and the long form is not (Bhatt and Pancheva 2006, Bruening and Tran, Ms.). Despite this distinction, I will show that the two forms involve a null operator A’-movement. Therefore, the long form and the short form receive the same semantic analysis; thuuk and doon contribute the adversative meaning, yet, they can be distinguished by the complement that thuuk and doon select.Publication UnElided Basic Remnants in Germanic Ellipsis or: ÜBRIGE Arguments(2014-01-01) Larson, BradleyThere are differing theories concerning the construction dubbed swiping by Merchant 2002. Some theories predict that the inverted preposition/wh-word order characteristic of swiping is idiosyncratic to prepositions and wh-words in particular and does not generalize to other elements. Other theories predict that swiping is merely a particular instantiation of a generalizable possibility for inverted word orders under ellipsis. In this paper I provide evidence for this latter type of theory by showing that the characteristics of swiping extend beyond prepositionals and wh-words. The generalization is that whatever can extrapose and be extracted from can enter into a swiping like construction.Publication Learning Local Phonological Processes(2014-01-01) Chandlee, Jane; Koirala, CesarWe present a learning algorithm for local phonological processes that relies on a restriction on the expressive power needed to compute phonological patterns that apply locally. Representing phonological processes as a functional mapping from an input to output form (an assumption compatible with either the SPE or OT formalism), the learner assumes the target process can be described with the functional counterpart to the Strictly Local (McNaughton and Papert 1971, Rogers and Pullum 2011) formal languages. Given a data set of input-output string pairs, the learner applies the two-stage grammatical induction procedure of 1) constructing a prefix tree representation of the input and 2) generalizing the pattern to words not found in the data set by merging states (Garcia and Vidal 1990, Oncina et al. 1993, Heinz 2007, 2009, de la Higuera 2010). The learner’s criterion for state merging enforces a locality requirement on the kind of function it can converge to and thereby directly reflects its own hypothesis space. We demonstrate with the example of German final devoicing, using a corpus of string pairs derived from the CELEX2 lemma corpus. The implications of our results include a proposal for how humans generalize to learn phonological patterns and a consequent explanation for why local phonological patterns have this property.Publication A Necessity Priority Modal and its Interaction with Tense in Korean(2014-01-01) Mun, BokyungThe interaction of a modal auxiliary with tense or aspect components often gives rise to some unexpected inferences. In Korean, when a necessity priority modal –eya ha– ‘should’ is combined with past tense morphology, the sentence yields the ‘non-actualization’ inference. Condoravdi (2002) examines that the similar phenomenon in English. Focusing on the epistemic modal-perfect combination, she proposes a scope-based analysis, and argues that counterfactuality arises as a conversational implicature. I show that, even though Condoravdi’s scope-reversal analysis well explains the counterfactual reading from might have sentences, this account cannot be extended to the Korean data. In my analysis, the non-actualization inference found in priority modal sentences in Korean is a not-at-issue assertion, and this inference arises from the temporal relations between SIT-T, MOD-T and UT-T.