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<title>ScholarlyCommons</title>
<copyright>Copyright (c) 2012 University of Pennsylvania All rights reserved.</copyright>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu</link>
<description>Recent documents in ScholarlyCommons</description>
<language>en-us</language>
<lastBuildDate>Tue, 15 May 2012 04:46:30 PDT</lastBuildDate>
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<title>CONVERSATIONS IN THE SAND: ADVANCED SANDPLAY THERAPY TRAINING CURRICULUUM FOR MASTERS LEVEL CLINICIANS</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/25</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/25</guid>
<pubDate>Fri, 11 May 2012 07:46:20 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>ABSTRACT</p>
<p>CONVERSATIONS IN THE SAND:</p>
<p>ADVANCED SANDPLAY THERAPY TRAINING CURRICULUUM FOR MASTERS LEVEL CLINICIANS</p>
<p>Jacquelyn E. Warr-Williams, MSW, LCSW</p>
<p>Ram A. Cnaan, MSW, PhD</p>
<p>Through their advanced degree and certificate programs, graduate programs in social work produce trained clinicians who are being called upon to work with an increasingly diverse population of clients.  To most effectively meet the needs of these populations, clinicians are seeking post graduate trainings that enhance their clinical skills and competency by attaining quality and rigorous training in effective therapeutic methodologies.</p>
<p>Sandplay therapy is a psychodynamic method rooted in Jungian theory that is used with clients with a wide range presenting issues. Initially, Sandplay was exclusively used with children, but currently it has been expanded to treat adults, families, couples, and groups. Although the tools for this method are simple, including sand, a tray, and miniature figures; Sandplay includes intricate techniques that must be learned both didactically and experientially in order to be implemented appropriately with clients.  Through exhaustive review of the literature on Sandplay as well as an evaluation of existing Sandplay training programs, a 19-month training curriculum was developed to provide an understanding of Sandplay and the necessary skills for its effective implementation.  Participants are offered an academically-focused program comprised of lectures, readings, written assignments, experiential learning, and supervision of clinical Sandplay practice. The goal of this curriculum is to provide master’s level clinicians with advanced training by exposing them to Sandplay as a viable therapeutic method. This dissertation provides the rationale for offering such trainings in graduate social work programs, a detailed description of Sandplay, how it’s applied, and a detailed curriculum for post Master’s level training.</p>

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<author>Jacquelyn E. Warr-Williams</author>


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<title>Using salience and hypothesis evaluation to learn object names in real time</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/23</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/23</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:29 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper presents a computational model of word learning that has roots in experimental literature and learns in real time with high precision from a small amount of data. In addition to incorporating external cues a la Yu & Ballard 2007, we give the learner the ability to test specific highly probable semantic hypotheses against new data. Performance is comparable to that of a more complex model (Frank et al. 2009) and better than that of a similar model (Fazly et al. 2010) that does not utilize hypothesis evaluation.</p>

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<author>Jon Stevens</author>


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<title>Syntactic Positions of Bare NPs in Turkish: Some Implications from Aspect and Prosody</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/22</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/22</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:26 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper proposes that internal arguments of verbs in Turkish do not uniformly occur in the complement position of the verb (contra e.g. Perlmutter 1978, 1989). We focus on syntactic positions of bare arguments in Turkish on the basis of aspectual (Aktionsart) properties of VPs (e.g. Vendler 1967) and prosodic structure. Looking at syntactic locations of low adverbs, we argue that bare internal arguments of Turkish <em>achievements</em> occur in SpecVP while those of <em>accomplishments</em> occur in the complement position of V.</p>

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<author>Miho Nagai et al.</author>


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<title>Change in Prosody as an Alternative: Evidence from Acquisition</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/21</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/21</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:23 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This study contributes to the issue of syntax-prosody-semantics interaction in child speech. It focuses on the prosodic realization of contextually-defined direct objects in a language allowing object scrambling. The empirical data are collected from 3-4-year-old children acquiring Ukrainian. The children’s speech samples were analyzed in order to find contrast between the prosody of sentences with various syntactic and semantic properties. The results show that child intonation is variable, but mostly predictable. The most evident contrast was detected for the structures with pronouns: when children failed to scramble pronouns, they still marked them prosodically by destressing. It can be concluded, then, that 3-4-year-old children are able to establish context relatedness for pronouns, and in order to mark their special status they can use one of two ‘options’ available in the grammar: syntactic movement or prosodic recontouring.</p>

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<author>Roksolana Mykhaylyk</author>


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<title>The Information Structure of Subject Extraposition in Early New High German</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/20</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/20</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:20 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper investigates the information-structural characteristics of extraposed subjects in Early New High German (ENHG). Based on new quantitative data from a parsed corpus of ENHG, I will argue that unlike objects, subjects in ENHG have two motivations for extraposing. First, subjects may extrapose in order to receive narrow focus, which is the pattern Bies (1996) has shown for object extraposition in ENHG. Secondly, however, subjects may extrapose in order to receive a default sentence accent, which is most visible in the case of presentational constructions. This motivation does not affect objects, which may achieve the same prosodic goal without having to extrapose.</p>

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<author>Caitlin Light</author>


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<title>The indefinite article – Indefinite? – Article?</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/19</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/19</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:17 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>Perlmutter (1970) argued that the indefinite article is categorically different from the definite article and proposed that it is a clitic version of the numeral "one". But there are, as Perlmutter himself pointed out, instances of "a" as well as of "one" that don't seem to have the semantics of the numeral. Hence a divorce of "a" (and of "one") from "numeral"-hood is called for. Furthermore, there are instances of what looks like the indefinite article (e.g., German "ein" or its Dutch, etc. counterpart) which occur in contexts from which the indefinite article is supposed to be excluded: with plural nouns, with non-count nouns, in definite noun phrases, etc. This state of affairs was addressed by Bennis et al. (1998), and others since, by reference to a so-called 'spurious article,' homophonous with the traditional indefinite article "een/ein".</p>
<p>The goal of the present paper is twofold: First of all, I argue that German "ein" is not always an `indefinite article,' and, pursuing the idea that there is only one "ein", it is hence never an `indefinite article.' Secondly, I explore some consequences for the structural representation of certain function words which contain "ein" as one of their components, in particular "kein" as well as its English counterpart "no". The discussion promotes a strongly non-lexicalist view, advocating a syntactic derivation of function words, including movement.</p>

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<author>Thomas Leu</author>


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<title>Prosody and semantics of the focus particles always and only in Korean: Theoretical implications from a perception experiment</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/18</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/18</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:42:13 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This study sheds light on the relationship between the prosodic features and semantic functions of the Korean focus particles (FPs) <em>hangsang </em>‘always’ and <em>ocik </em>‘only’. Based on a production experiment, Nambu and Lee (forthcoming) argue that different phonetic realizations of <em>hangsang </em>and <em>ocik</em> reflect their semantic distinction, supporting Beaver and Clark’s (2008) Quasi/Free/Conventional Theory. We conducted a perception experiment to examine the extent to which listeners are conscious of prosodic cues related to <em>hangsang</em> and <em>ocik</em> with different environments. Following the production experiment, the results of the experiments show that<em> ocik</em> has rigid prosodic behavior as conventional association, in contrast to <em>hangsang</em>, whose prosodic behavior, which reflects free association, depends on contextual conditions, supporting Beaver and Clark’s (2003, 2008) claim</p>

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<author>Yong-cheol Lee et al.</author>


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<title>Toward a Phase Account of Dependent Case</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/17</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/17</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:49 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>In the generative tradition, Accusative case ACC is often analyzed as a dependent Case, where being dependent means being dependent on another argument (Burzio 1986), more precisely a theta-role, or being dependent on a chain assigning Nominative case NOM to another argument (Marantz 1991), more precisely, an unmarked, i.e. non-lexically governed, case. In both approaches, ACC is a result of grammatical competition. The Minimalist Program (Chomsky 2001, 2008) seems to be an exception: in this framework, abstract Case is assigned by functional heads. Concretely, ACC is assigned by v*. Whether or not v* assigns ACC then depends on whether or not v* is a strong phase. Even though the Minimalist Program doesn't seem to employ a competition view of ACC as a dependent case, it is at its core a look-ahead system. Although the dependency on another argument is not explicitly declared, it is inherent to the system.</p>
<p>This paper presents data from Polish, Ukrainian and Northern Russian that contradict the dependency view of ACC and suggest an alternative in terms of structure-dependency, independent of another argument receiving a theta-role or another case being assigned to a chain. This bears on the question of the role of case in syntax and on the nature of spell-out and of cyclic domains.</p>

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<author>Ivona Kučerová</author>


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<title>An Asymmetric Theory of Korean Ditransitives: Evidence from Idioms</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/16</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/16</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:46 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper argues that the [Dat-Acc] and the [Acc-Acc] orders in Korean are the representations of the postpositional dative construction and the double object construction and that their syntactic structures are asymmetric. I apply the same syntactic diagnostics (nominalization and idioms) developed for English by Bruening (2010) to the data in Korean, and discuss in a greater detail that the asymmetric properties of nominalization and idioms call for Bruening’s (2010) asymmetric analysis.</p>

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<author>Lan Kim</author>


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<title>Why Short-form Functional Reading Answers are Not Possible in Multiple Wh-questions</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/15</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/15</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:43 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper provides an account for the unavailability of short-form functional reading answers to multiple <em>wh</em>-questions, contrary to their availability with <em>wh</em>-questions with a quantifier. I propose that a question is interpreted as either a set of propositions or a single proposition and that the former admits long-form answers while the latter admits short-form answers. I also argue that the short-form answer is not just an elided form of the long-form answer, but rather is derived by a second Q-operator, Q2, which requires an individual in w’ identical to an individual in w, contrary to the case of long-form answers. Importantly, I show the semantics of short-form answers (involving Q2) is not compatible with multiple <em>wh</em>-questions (because of a type mismatch), but is compatible with functional readings in <em>wh</em>-questions with a quantifier.</p>

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<author>Jungmin Kang</author>


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<title>Semantic Effects on Pronouns and Reflexives in Picture-NPs: Similarities and Differences</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/14</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/14</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:40 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>Research on Binding Theory shows that the syntactically-conditioned complementarity normally exhibited by pronouns and reflexives breaks down in certain syntactic environments, including possessorless picture-NPs (e.g. <em>picture of {her/herself}).</em> We report two psycholinguistic experiments which investigate what kinds of factors influence how pronouns and reflexives in picture-NPs are interpreted, given that their antecedents are not determined by Binding Theory. The results show that the interpretation of pronouns and reflexives in picture-NPs is governed by multiple factors. On the one hand, we corroborated the results of prior work which found that pronouns and reflexives are subject to opposing syntactic and semantic biases (Kaiser et al. 2009). However, on other hand, we provide evidence of shared biases: Both pronouns and reflexives dislike referentially underspecified antecedents, namely the indefinite existential ‘someone’ and wh-expressions. This pattern seems to fit well with claims that both forms prefer to pick out the antecedent whose point-of-view is being represented (Kuno 1987, Tenny 2003), assuming that referentially underspecified antecedents are not good point-of-view anchors</p>

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<author>Elsi Kaiser et al.</author>


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<title>Vowel Harmony in Mbili Verbs</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/13</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/13</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:37 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper investigates Vowel Harmony (VH) in the verbs of Mbili, a Grassfield Bantu Language spoken in the North West province of Cameroon. I show that the vowel harmony in both the root and derived verbs can be analyzed in a simple and straightforward way by using concepts of prosodic phonology. I argue that there are only three vowels in the underlying representation, which are the central low vowel, the central high vowel and the schwa. There is a separate tier where all the vowel features cumulate at the beginning of the root. Vowel features spread within metrical foot from left to right. When the central low vowel and the schwa are within the metrical foot, they get the vowel features, otherwise they surface as the central low vowel or the schwa. In contrast, the central high vowel resists vowel harmony.</p>

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<author>Zenghong Jia</author>


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<title>Is There a Difference between ‘You’ and ‘I’? A Psycholinguistic Investigation of the Chinese Reflexive Ziji</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/12</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/12</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:34 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>We report two experiments examining first/second-person blocking effects on the Chinese long-distance reflexive <em>ziji</em> during on-line processing. Participants read sentences with varying matrix and embedded subjects (Exp1: 1<sup>st</sup>-person pronoun/3<sup>rd</sup>-person name; Exp2: 2<sup>nd</sup>-person pronoun/3rd-person name) and answered comprehension questions probing their interpretations of <em>ziji</em>. Work on English found that structurally inaccessible referents can cause competition at the reflexive, indicated by reading-time slowdowns (Badecker and Straub 2002). In Exp1, the 1<sup>st</sup>-person blocking condition (3<sup>rd</sup>-person matrix/1<sup>st</sup>-person embedded) exhibited slowdowns and a higher-than-expected rate of matrix-subject-interpretations, suggesting 1<sup>st</sup>-person blocking is not consistently effective. However, the subset of trials with effective blocking (local-antecedent interpretations) revealed no slowdowns. In Exp2, the 2<sup>nd</sup>-person blocking condition (3<sup>rd</sup>-person matrix/2<sup>nd</sup>-person embedded) showed consistent blocking and no significant slowdowns. Our results suggest that referents’ ability to compete depends not only on prominence (Badecker and Straub 2002) but also how it is blocked (person-feature <em>vs.</em> syntactic barrier). Building upon Brunyé et al.’s (2009) finding that 2<sup>nd</sup>-person pronouns are more effective at triggering perspective-taking than 1<sup>st</sup>-person pronouns, we suggest that the difference between first- and second- person blocking may be attributable to perspective taking: Identifying with the 2<sup>nd</sup>-person addressee leads comprehenders to more consistently interpret the reflexive as referring to the local 2<sup>nd</sup>-person subject, resulting in a consistent blocking effect.</p>

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<author>Xiao He et al.</author>


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<title>On the Role of Experiencer in the Interaction of Aspect and Unaccusativity in Russian</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/11</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/11</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:31 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>In this paper I identify the factors that can skew the result of two standard unaccusativity diagnostics in Russian (distributive po-phrase and verb prefixation): (i) animacy of the subject (ii) verbal aspect. I introduce a new class of data, which reveals a contrast that is characteristic of all unaccusative predicates: Experiencer/Theme interaction. Unlike the well-known agentivity effects (Permutter and Postal (1984), Hoekstra and Mulder (1990), Zaenen (1993)), Experiencer/Theme interaction is linked to animacy, but not to volitionality. The connection between animacy and an Experiencer is formalized as an Experiencer condition: the Experiencer role must be assigned if the sole argument is animate. I propose a novel view of argument distribution whereby animate arguments can be base generated VP-externally. Variable applicability of unaccusative tests to telic/atelic verb forms results from the interaction between the Experiencer condition, the structural view of telicity (Folli and Harley (2005), Ramchand (2008)) and world knowledge.</p>

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<author>Zhanna Glushan</author>


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<title>Redevelopment of a Morphological Class</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/10</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/10</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:28 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>Coronal stop deletion (or‚`TD Deletion‚`) is the paradigm sociolinguistic variable. It was first described in African American English (Labov et al., 1968) as a rule whereby word final /Ct/ and /Cd/ clusters simplify by deleting the coronal stop. It has since been found in many dialects and varieties of English. Aside from the very regular phonological and phonetic factors which condition whether TD Deletion applies, morphological structure also appears to have an effect. The three morphological categories of primary interest are (i) monomorphemes}, (ii) regular past tense verbs and (iii) semiweak past tense verbs.</p>
<p>In almost every dialect studied, the order of morphological classes from least favoring deletion to most favoring deletion is as given in (1).</p>
<p>(1) monomorphemes > semiweak > regular past tense</p>
<p>In this paper, I will be focusing on the difference between semiweak and regular past tense. I will pursue a revised version of the analysis in Guy & Boyd (1990), casting it in terms of Competing Grammars and Distributed Morphology. Specifically, I will propose that the rate of phonological TD Deletion is the same for the regular past and the semiweak. What leads to higher TD Absence in the semiweak verbs is variable morphological absence of /t/, i.e., there is a competing morphological analysis where the past tense of keep is simply "kep", instead of "kept".</p>

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<author>Josef T. Fruehwald</author>


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<title>-Nibud’ Pronouns in Irrealis Infinitivals: Structure and Licensing</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/9</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/9</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:25 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper uses the distribution of <em>ni</em>- and –<em>nibud’</em>-series of irrealis pronouns in Russian to explore the structure of irrealis infinitivals. Members of the <em>ni</em>-series are negative concord items licensed by sentential negation (the head of NegP, which dominates TP); they cannot be licensed long across a CP phase boundary (Brown (1999), Fitzgibbons (2010), among others). -<em>Nibud’</em>-items are licensed by certain items that have been argued in the literature to be in the CP domain at LF, such as, for example, question operators ((Cheng (1991), Chomsky (1995), Rizzi (1997), (1999), Sportiche (1995))) and imperative operators ((Han (2001), (Belletti (1999), Schwager (2005), Zanuttini (2008)).</p>
<p>This paper draws the following conclusions from the near-complementary distribution of these two pronominal series in irrealis infinitivals,:  <ol> <li>Russian irrealis infinitivals can be generated as either CPs or as TPs, and the irrealis infinitivals where–<em>nibud’</em>-items are licensed are CPs.</li> <li>-<em>nibud’</em>-items that are licensed in the subject position of <em>moč’</em> ‘can’ undergo A-movement out of the infinitival complement CP.</li> <li>It is not the matrix modal word that licenses the –<em>nibud’</em>-items in irrealis infinitival complements. The licenseris the irrealis C of the embedded infinitival.</li> </ol></p>

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<author>Natalia Fitzgibbons</author>


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<title>The Role of Negative and Positive Evidence in Adult Phonological Learning</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/8</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/8</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:23 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>One of the great mysteries of language development is how children acquire language so efficiently while adults are never able to reach the same level of proficiency. Adding to this mystery is that child learners rarely receive negative evidence regarding the nature of the grammatical structure of their language, but adults are more likely to receive and use such evidence (in classes, corrections, etc.) (Baker, 1979). The present study tests the role of negative evidence in adult language learners, who were exposed to an artificial grammar characterized by round vowel harmony, a phonological process whereby vowels agree in the feature round. Participants were exposed to either positive evidence only (Positive Evidence Condition), or both negative and positive evidence (Positive Evidence Condition). In two experiments, participants in the Positive Evidence Condition outperformed participants in the Negative Evidence Condition, specifically for test items tat measured extension of learned items to novel items. These results suggest that negative evidence may hinder adult grammatical rule learning.</p>

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<author>Sara Finley</author>


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<title>Numerical cognition among speakers of the Jarawara language: A pilot study and methodological implication</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/7</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/7</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:20 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>Dixon (2004) suggests that the Jarawara language contains no native number terms. This assertion implies that Jarawara is one of the most extreme documented cases of a language with a paucity of number terms (Hammarström 2010), and helped to motivate an investigation into the numerical cognition of its speakers. Investigations among speakers of languages with limited number terminologies have proven useful to cognitive scientists interested in the language-cognition interface (see De Cruz & Pica 2008). For instance, it has been demonstrated that speakers of Pirahã, a numberless Amazonian language, face difficulties when performing basic tasks related to numerical cognition (Gordon 2004, Frank et al. 2008, C. Everett & Madora in press). In order to contrast the numerical cognition of the Jarawara with those of the Pirahã, and in so doing shed light on the interaction between anumeric language and thought, we replicated three of the basic tasks described in the aforementioned studies on Pirahã. Unlike speakers of Pirahã, the seven speakers of Jarawara tested generally performed quite well on the tasks in question. Differences between the two tribes were significant (at pdohave a native cardinal number system, contra Dixon (2004), and that this system can be used for numerosities as large as twenty. In addition to the experimental data presented, this paper includes the most extensive documentation to date of a number system in an Arawá language.</p>

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<author>Caleb Everett</author>


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<title>Clitic Left Dislocation in Absence of Clitics: a Study in Trilingual Acquisition</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/6</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/6</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:17 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
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	<p>This paper discusses an unusual structure in the English of a trilingual child acquiring English, Italian and Scottish Gaelic. The child uses a structure where it appears that an object DP is “dou-bled” by a pronoun for an extended period of time (10 months):<br> (1) He don't like it dinosaur<br> (2) He forget it the teddy<br> In Italian, sentences that contain old information take two possible structures: they might contain a left dislocated topic resumed by a clitic:<br> (3) Il libro, l'ho letto<br> the book it-have.1SG read<br> 'The book, I have read it'<br> These are called Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) structures in the literature. Alternatively, the topic (the given information) can be introduced as a right dislocated element, again linked to a clitic:<br> (4) L'ho letto, il libro<br> It-have.1SG read the book<br> ‘I have read it, the book’<br> These are called clitic right dislocation (CLRD) structures. The structures produced in English by the subject of this study seem to be similar in some fundamental ways to this second kind of topi-calisation strategy. We suggest that this reflects a "deep: transfer of CLRD structures from Italian, even though at the stage when the "doubling" structures occur, there is no evidence of overt clitics in the child’s Italian. Our paper contributes to the debate in the literature concerning the existence or not of some form of transfer in multilingual acquisition</p>

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<author>Megan Devlin et al.</author>


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<title>Null Subject Behavior in the Attrition of Brazilian Portuguese</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/5</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/5</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:13 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>The syntax of referential null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is the topic of much recent work (Kato & Negrão 2000; Ferreira 2000, 2004; Martins & Nunes 2005, 2010; Modesto 2000; Rodrigues 2002, 2004). In light of the Interface Hypothesis (Tsimpli, Sorace 2006), uninterpretable features such as purely syntactical elements should not undergo attrition. This study tests whether this theory is valid in regard to the Null Subject behavior in the production of BP speakers under influence of L2 English. In order to do so, I conducted an experiment with monolingual BP speakers and bilingual (English/BP) speakers to establish a clear-cut comparison. The experiment consisted of an elicited production task and a grammaticality judgment task. The results of the data analysis show that BP speakers under influence of L2 English do seem to indicate attrition, thus encouraging further studies questioning the Interface Hypothesis.</p>

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<author>Tammer Castro</author>


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<title>Syntax and Prosody in Kashaya Phrasal Accent</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/4</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/4</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:10 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>This paper explores the nature of prosodic phrasing in Kashaya, an endangered language of northern California, as diagnosed by the location of accent. Previous work has reported that iambic feet are constructed across prosodic phrases that can consist of multiple words, but there has been little research into how these p-phrases interact with syntactic constituency. We propose an alignment analysis in which the right edge of XP usually corresponds to the end of a p-phrase. But prosodic considerations, in particular an avoidance of phrase-final accent and a preference for a right-branching intonational phrase, can override the alignment of prosodic and syntactic constituency and sometimes leads to mismatches. An examination of a text corpus reveals general pressures against final accent, which can be avoided by accent suppression and leftward retraction as well as the choice of prosodic phrasing. Syllabification across a word boundary also encourages certain groupings in order to satisfy crisp edge-alignment of prosodic categories, showing a further influence of pure prosody rather than alignment with the syntactic edges.</p>

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<author>Eugene Buckley et al.</author>


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<title>Morphology-Syntax Interface: The Relation Between Prefixes of Brazilian Portuguese and Argument Structure</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/3</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/3</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:07 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>In this paper, I propose a syntactic treatment for Brazilian Portuguese verbal Prefixes. In an empirical level, I show that prefixes <em>a-</em>, <em>en-</em> and <em>es-</em> can contribute with semantic, aspectual and argument structure of the root to each they attach when they combine with <em>v</em> forming a kind of complex head (<em>v-p</em>). On the other hand, the same prefixes can show no structural contribution and no predictable meaning to the verb when attached to some bound root formations. In a theoretical level, I proposed that prefixation contribution is determined by locality domains of attachment instead of resourcing to an explanation in terms of a lexical vs. non lexical formation. The general proposal is that that prefixes can merge in three different places in syntactic structure implying different results to the final structure : a. within rootP; b. outside rootP but not above the first categorizer (cyclic head in terms of Embick 2010); c. above little <em>v </em>or some other categorized structure, working as word modifiers. Within this approach, the distinction among lexical, inner and superlexical prefixes (Markova & Padrosa-Trias 2008) can be treated in terms of locality attachment on syntactic structure, dispensing with a two place theory of word formation. Moreover, the proposal of a “above VP” and “below VP” attachment for prefixes (Svenonius 2004) is too rough to account for the focused BP data since we would have to assume that prefixes <em>a-</em>, <em>en-</em> and <em>es-</em> always attach below VP and this makes the distinction between rootP internal and rootP external prefix attachment impossible.</p>

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<author>Indaiá Bassani</author>


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<title>Ellipsis as Movement and Silence: Evidence from French</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/2</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/2</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:04 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>French allows ellipsis after a number of verbs that express priority or dynamic modality. This phenomenon is known as ‘modal ellipsis’ and, in the past ten years, its syntactic status has been hotly debated in the literature on Romance syntax in ways reminiscent of the controversy surrounding the proper syntactic treatment of English VP ellipsis and Sluicing that started with the early works of Ross (1967) and Sag (1976). What has been established so far with some degree of certainty is that unlike English VP-ellipsis, French modal ellipsis is ellipsis of a TP (Dagnac, 2010). Also established by Busquets and Denis (2001) is the fact that modal ellipsis allow syntactic extraction out of the elision site. This weighs heavily in favor of a PF-deletion approach because it suggests that the ellipsis site has inner structure and therefore provides an extraction site that would remain unavailable under a pro-form approach. In this paper, I explore a novel formulation of the licensing conditions on modal ellipsis that takes as a point of departure a suggestion by Johnson (2001) that English VP-Ellipsis should be derived by way of movement and that elided VPs stand in a topic position though they are not spelled out at PF. I argue that adopting a similar approach to French modal ellipsis correctly predicts (a) the class of French verbs that license modal ellipsis, (b) some novel grammaticality contrasts involving infinitival forms of these verbs, and (c) the fact that French does not have VP-Ellipsis and that English does not have modal ellipsis.</p>

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<author>Marc Authier</author>


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<item>
<title>Preface</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/1</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/1</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 12:33:00 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>The University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (PWPL) is an occasional series published by the Penn Linguistics Club. The series has included volumes of previously unpublished work, or work in progress, by linguists with an ongoing affiliation with the Department, as well as volumes of papers from NWAV and the Penn Linguistics Colloquium.</p>
<p>This volume contains selected papers from the 35th Penn Linguistics Colloquium, held from March 18-20, 2011 in Philadelphia, PA at the University of Pennsylvania.</p>
<p>Alphabetic thanks go to Mao-Hsu Chen, Aaron Ecay, Sabriya Fisher, Aaron Freeman, Lauren Friedman, Kyle Gorman, Anton Ingason, Marielle Lerner, Laurel MacKenzie, Hilary Prichard, and Kobey Schwayder for help in editing, uploading, and general support.</p>
<p>Since Vol. 14.2, PWPL has been an internet-only publication. Since Vol. 13.2, PWPL has been published both in print and online gratis via ScholarlyCommons@Penn. Due to the large number of hits these online papers have received, and the time and expense of managing a back catalog of PWPL volumes, the editorial committee decided in 2008 to cease print publication in favor of wider-scale free online dissemination. Please continue citing PWPL papers or issues as you would a print journal article, though you may also provide the URL of the manuscript. An example is below:</p>
<p>Authier, Marc . 2012. Ellipsis as Movement and Silence: Evidence from French. U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 18.1: Proceedings of PLC 35, ed. J. Fruehwald, 1-9. http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol18/iss1/2</p>
<p>Ultimately, the entire back catalog will be digitized and made available on ScholarlyCommons@Penn.</p>
<p>Publication in the University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (PWPL) does not preclude submission of papers elsewhere; copyright is retained by the author(s) of individual papers.</p>
<p>The PWPL editors can be contacted at:<br>U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics<br>619 Williams Hall<br>University of Pennsylvania<br>Philadelphia, PA 19104–6305<br>working-papers@ling.upenn.edu<br>http://ling.upenn.edu/papers/pwpl.html<br>Josef Fruehwald Issue Editor</p>

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<author>Josef Fruehwald</author>


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<item>
<title>Responding to College Campus Acquaintance Rape: Contextual Issues and the Challenge of Inter-Organizational Collaboration</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/24</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/24</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 06:33:08 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>One in five college women are victims of acquaintance rape during their academic career and less than 5% of college women who are victims of sexual assault report their victimization (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). The historically stable prevalence of on-campus sexual assault as well as consistently low rates of reporting point to the need for a collaborative process between the campus personnel that are charged with responding to reports of on-campus sexual assault. Through intensive interviews with key campus informants this qualitative study addressed the following questions about the challenge of responding to on-campus acquaintance rape: 1) How do senior campus personnel understand the disparity between high prevalence rates and low rates of reporting; 2) What are the challenges of inter-organizational collaboration when responding to acquaintance rape; 3) What are the specific roles of on-campus supportive resources; and 4) What are successful elements of a coordinated approach to on-campus acquaintance rape?</p>
<p>All study respondents acknowledged the disparity between prevalence and reporting and implicated the guilt, shame, and fear experienced by victim-survivors as a key factor in underreporting. Respondents blamed gender inequity, abuse of alcohol, and the developmental immaturity of male college students for high rates of on-campus acquaintance rape and described two distinct types of offending: situational offending refers to non-consensual sexual assault fueled by alcohol abuse and emotional immaturity; and pre-meditative offending refers to a more predatory trajectory, in which deliberate planning is enacted to manipulate and exploit vulnerability.</p>
<p>Respondents identified trust between community partners as the most important aspect to successful collaboration. Trust refers to a collective agreement to protect the confidentiality of alleged victims of sexual assault and to guarantee victims' decision-making control throughout their post-assault recovery process. Respondents endorsed primary prevention models and harm reduction strategies to target on-campus acquaintance rape. Models for prevention focused on eliciting changes in campus culture and on targeting predation. A harm reduction approach focused on teaching students how to minimize their risk for victimization.</p>

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<author>Deborah V. O&apos;Neill</author>


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<title>AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF GRADUATE SOCIAL WORK  PROGRAMS TO IDENTIFY METHODS UTILIZED IN TEACHING  STUDENTS CULTURALLY COMPETENT PRACTICE</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/23</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/23</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 06:27:45 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p><h1>Abstract</h1></p>
<p>Jack B. Lewis, Jr.</p>
<p>Joretha Bourjolly, MSW, PhD.</p>
<p><em>Background</em>: The NASW Code of Ethics charges social workers to be ethically responsible by providing culturally competent practice. The CSWE EPAS addresses teaching culturally competent social work practice in graduate education by requiring the inclusion of diversity content in the social work curriculum.  <em>Methods</em>: This research examined the methods utilized by graduate social work programs to teach culturally competent practice to students utilizing diversity content. Data was collected through the analysis of interview transcripts with 12 study participants and the content analysis of 75 course syllabi submitted by the study participants. <em>Analysis</em>: The following concepts derived from the Cultural Competence Practice (CCP) model (Lum, 2011; Fong, 2001): 1. Cultural Awareness, 2. Cultural Values, 3. Knowledge Acquisition, and 4. Skill Development and, 5. Inductive Learning were utilized to guide the content analysis of the interview transcripts and seventy-five course syllabi. Any additional codes that emerged during analysis were also noted and discussed. <em>Results</em>: The study findings reflected that the graduate social work programs in the study sample taught cultural competent social work practice to students through varying combinations of three methods:  a. Courses; b. Field Education and c. Non-Course Related Strategies e.g., student organizations, events, and/or community service projects. This limited exploratory study indicates CSWE accredited graduate social work programs utilize various methods to teach culturally competent practice to students. Clinical implications, limitations and further research are discussed.</p>

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<author>Jack B. Lewis DSW</author>


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<title>We Need To Talk: Advancing Urban School Social Worker Knowledge of ADHD and Collaboration with Teachers</title>
<link>http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/22</link>
<guid isPermaLink="true">http://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations_sp2/22</guid>
<pubDate>Thu, 10 May 2012 06:02:45 PDT</pubDate>
<description>
	<![CDATA[
	<p>The high prevalence of ADHD continues to present a challenge, particularly in high poverty urban schools. Low-income children of color are both more likely to be diagnosed with the disorder and more likely to be under-treated compared to their Caucasian peers. While significant attention is paid to what teachers across a variety of school settings know about ADHD, little is known about school social workers knowledge of ADHD. In addition, little is also known about the collaborative processes by which school social workers support teachers in addressing ADHD in urban schools. Utilizing a mixed-methods survey design, this study explored urban elementary school social worker knowledge of ADHD and inter-disciplinary collaboration processes between school social workers and teachers. Findings indicated that urban elementary school social workers <em>N</em>=43 had strong knowledge of ADHD causes and symptoms. No significant differences were observed when compared to their suburban elementary school colleagues <em>N</em>=24 as measured by The ADHD Belief and Attitudes Scale (Johnston and Freeman, 2002). A directive content analysis of responses for <em>N</em>= 43 urban elementary school social workers further revealed key findings. First, school social workers were able to identify a number of behavioral and instructional strategies applicable to students with attention related difficulties. Secondly, while collaboration between teachers and school social workers may occur during participation in interdisciplinary school teams and informal discussions, time constraints and teacher receptiveness presented as major barriers for consistent and effective collaboration. Given the limited resources of many urban school settings, it would benefit schools to promote the role of the school social worker and collaborative practices with teachers in addressing ADHD and similar disruptive behavior disorders within the classroom.</p>

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<author>Mery F. Diaz</author>


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