There have been two camps on the analysis of the ellipsis construction dubbed sluicing by Ross (1969) in Mandarin Chinese. The pseudosluicing analyses argue that Chinese sluicing involves a copular clause with a null pro, whereas the focus movement analyses propose that it is derived from focus movement plus TP-deletion. In this paper I provide evidence for the second view by showing parallels between sluicing and the wh-fronting construction in Chinese. Three parallel behaviors involve the distribution of shi, exhaustive identification, and the (im)possibility of the how family.
"Towards a Syntactic Focus Movement Account of the Sluicing-Like Construction in Chinese,"
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics:
1, Article 29.
Available at: http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol22/iss1/29