Copyright (c) 2009 University of Pennsylvania All rights reserved. http://repository.upenn.edu/curej Recent documents in CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal en-us Tue, 24 Nov 2009 03:21:25 PST 3600 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/110 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/110 Mon, 23 Nov 2009 10:01:38 PST The 2009 Russo-Ukrainian gas skirmish was the most recent example of Gazprom's oil and natural gas disputes with its neighbors. Over the past several years, Russia has been accused of using Gazprom to further its "neo-imperalist" and "expansionist" foreign policy goals by cutting off energy supply to nations that seem to be orienting toward the West. Careful examination of Gazprom's actions toward Lithuania, Azerbaijan and Belarus, however, indicate the elimination of foreign subsidies and the normalization of gas prices for all. This trajectory reflects Gazprom's approach toward deliberations: profits, not politics, dictate how disputes are resolved. This paper argues that ultimately, Russia acts out of economic necessity, not political retribution. Julie Steinberg http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/109 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/109 Thu, 10 Sep 2009 10:56:34 PDT Viral marketing, is it hot or just hot air? Is the only thing viral about viral marketing the hype it‟s receiving from the academic community, the corporate world, and the media? This study presents an agent-based model to determine if viral marketing is significantly more effective than traditional marketing in the context of a closed world where two clothing companies compete with one another for consumer loyalty, one using only online viral ads and the only online traditional ads. The study concludes that viral marketing has a small, yet statistically significant advantage over traditional marketing as a whole. The study also finds that viral marketing does significantly better in settings with high populations and high levels of localization. Tony S. Wang http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/108 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/108 Tue, 08 Sep 2009 07:31:20 PDT Although the tactic of suicide terrorism is thousands of years old, it has appeared in Iraq at unprecedented levels. The predominance of suicide terrorism in the insurgency has led scholars to embrace two diametrically opposed theoretical frameworks. Whereas Huntington's framework explains suicide terrorism in Iraq as the result of a clash of civilizations between the Western and Islamic worlds, Pape's framework argues that secular nationalist forces in opposition to the U.S. occupation conduct the attacks. However, both of these frameworks overlook the ethno-sectarian divisions within the insurgency. This thesis offers a new theoretical framework, which argues that suicide terrorism is a practical tactic adopted by Sunni groups that lack both the political means and the conventional military capability to achieve their goals. However, as the U.S. begins to reintegrate Sunnis into the state and crackdown on Iranian-backed Shi'a groups, many Shi'a may find themselves alienated and disenfranchised. This could herald a similar Shi'a suicide terror campaign in Iraq. Brian M. Kelly http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/107 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/107 Tue, 07 Jul 2009 08:21:52 PDT The goal of this project is to examine the far - infrared sources in the South Ecliptic Pole region (SEP) observed by the Balloon-Borne Large Aperture Submillimeter Telescope (BLAST). A primary science goal is to understand star formation processes. Most of the sources are assumed to be luminous infrared galaxies (LIRGs), in which high rates of star formation are believed to be occurring. The BLAST experiment mapped the 10 SEP at three wavelengths (250, 350 and 500 μm). To aid future studies of the SEP, three lists of interesting sources were created with an IDL source extraction algorithm. The first list is a catalog of all 5 σ sources and their counterparts. The second list contains sources which have unambiguous counterparts in the three wavelengths. The sources of the third list are likely to be high redshift. Spectral Energy Distributions (SED) were fit to each of the listed sources with an IDL SED fitter. Using the SED, preliminary estimates of luminosity and star formation rates can be made. The combined and unambiguous catalogs can be used to select targets for future observations. The third list will be especially useful for selecting high redshift LIRGs for future observations. Many of the presumed high redshift sources are unrealistically bright. It is possible that they are high redshift sources which are gravitationally lensed and magnified by clusters. The number of bright high redshift sources identified was used to test a recent theoretical model of the abundance of clusters. Jens von der Linden http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/106 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/106 Mon, 29 Jun 2009 19:41:11 PDT This thesis identifies the variance in gender empowerment between Argentina and Chile, two countries that share countless parallels in histories, cultural norms, and political achievements. Using women's formal legislative representation as a gauge for gender empowerment, this comparative study uses a most-similar-systems design to investigate and generate a hypothesis of the factors that contribute to Chilean women's lack of empowerment, contrasting with the mechanisms by which Argentine women have achieved empowerment.Both Catholic nations of the Southern Cone re-democratized following military regimes, currently enjoy female heads of state and possess similar cultural phenomena where motherhood has defined women's social and political roles for decades. Nevertheless, Argentina and Chile remain starkly dissimilar in the scope of women's legislative presence.Chile's open-list electoral system that exposes women to rampant machísmo and the conservative influence from the Church that encourages women to embrace their primary role as mothers are two significant factors that prevent women's legislative representation and thereby empowerment. Contrarily, Argentina possesses one of the leading levels of gender empowerment in the world. At first glance, one may attribute the variance to the Ley de Cupos, the quota law requiring parties to enlist a critical mass of women candidates. While the Ley is certainly necessary to promote gender equity, it remains insufficient. The historical precedence of women in politics as well as an electoral system conducive to the quota's progression allow Argentine women to achieve a greater level of political empowerment than do women in Chile, further evidenced by the Argentine success over similar laws in other Latin American countries. Ameya S. Ananth http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/105 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/105 Mon, 08 Jun 2009 11:27:19 PDT The study of the Iranian monarchy under Mohammad Reza Shah from 1941 to 1979 is assumed to rely on the monarchic political formula as a determining factor for policy analysis. However, the monarchic political formula is not consistently or universally understood as an influential factor in social and political modernization efforts under the Shah. In fact, scholars at times apply their own definitions of the term "monarchy" inconsistently, potentially causing confusion among students of Iranian history and international relations. In this study, four influential theorists' work is examined in relation to their understanding of the monarchic political formula during Mohammad Reza Shah's modernization efforts in Iran. Their treatments of the Shah's modernization efforts are studied in conjunction with their definitions of the term "monarchy", providing the foundation for critical analysis of scholarly treatment of this important topic in political science. Bharat K. Moudgil http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/104 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/104 Mon, 08 Jun 2009 11:27:16 PDT Migration as well as group conflict has occurred throughout history. This thesis examined why in response to internal migration to Mumbai, Bangalore, and Delhi there are varying levels of nativism. The level of nativism was found to be high in Mumbai, medium in Delhi, and low in Bangalore. Anti-migrant sentiment was explained by political competition in Mumbai, class prejudice in Delhi, and an overlaying of class and ethnic conflict in Bangalore. I conclude that mobilization against migrants is easiest when they are largely of a specific regional or ethnic background, that there is a tipping point beyond which opposing migrants is electoral suicide, and that taken together these suggest a window of opportunity for nativist mobilization. Thirdly, the success of nativist parties is a function of the strength of national parties at the state and local level. Rahul Reddy http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/103 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/103 Tue, 26 May 2009 07:40:37 PDT Current trends in the enlargement process of the European Union offer a virtual laboratory through which to gain insight into the mechanics of constitutional change. In particular, the Central and Eastern European countries, including Romania and Serbia, serve as great lenses through which to view the processes involved in consolidating democracy through constitutional dynamics. Even though EU accession may offer a set of incentives to these and other recent candidate countries, pro-democracy constitutional change aimed at meeting EU standards still requires a push from domestic coalitions within national political systems. By establishing a comparative framework by which to examine domestic coalitions in case studies of Romania and Serbia, this thesis offers three claims regarding constitutional change toward democracy: Firstly, that countries enacting constitutional change from within existing, consolidating democratic systems are dependent on a core group of political elites forming a coalition and embracing the cause of constitutional reform. Second, that message framing and communication on intra-governmental and public levels makes a difference in the outcome of constitutional referendums, an issue that is especially relevant in countries looking to reform constitutions to align their governance with EU standards. And finally, that institutional openness to change is indispensible to countries looking to reform constitutions in line with the Copenhagen Criteria within existing, consolidating democratic systems. Caitlin L. Wood http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/102 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/102 Tue, 26 May 2009 07:40:34 PDT Scholars have defined two gender-associated language styles as rhetorical tools that are used by men and women to achieve certain objectives. Masculine language is commanding and instrumental; it is considered conducive to politics. Feminine language is intimate and unifying; it is considered too passive for politics. However, women introduced feminine rhetoric into politics in the United States in 1920 when they were granted the right to participate. But since then, has feminine-style rhetoric played any role in men politicians' discourse? Specifically, do they use more feminine speech to establish unity and maintain relationships? By comparison, do they use less of it when displaying superiority? To answer these questions, I analyzed two Presidential speeches genres: Inaugural Addresses, which unify the citizenry and foster speaker-audience collaboration - goals feminine language accomplishes -, and Nomination Acceptance Speeches, which display the speaker as leader, expert, and agent - goals masculine language accomplishes. I hypothesize that feminine rhetoric is useful for achieving the Inaugural's speech purposes, so male politicians should use more feminine speech in Inaugurals than Acceptances. Lindsay R. Larner http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/101 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/101 Tue, 26 May 2009 07:36:22 PDT China is democratizing, but what does this entail for Chinese women, a relatively powerless group within society? This thesis focuses on the implications of democracy for women in China through comparing and contrasting the efficacy of electoral participation and civil society in empowering women. It finds that civil society, as seen in government-organized non-government organizations such as the All-China Women's Federation and more independent non-government organizations, are more beneficial to women since these groups provide much-needed services and also communicate the concerns of women to the government elite in Beijing. In contrast, electoral participation at the village level has limited influence on the male-dominated power structure in China. In fact, voting disadvantages women in several key ways and has failed to inspire them to become politically engaged. The conclusion that civil society, not electoral participation, is more effective at empowering women is further corroborated by two comparative analyses, one with the Former Soviet Union and Soviet Bloc and the other with South Korea. Annie L. Lee