CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal Copyright (c) 2011 University of Pennsylvania All rights reserved. http://repository.upenn.edu/curej Recent documents in CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal en-us Wed, 24 Aug 2011 01:35:09 PDT 3600 Hunger In a Land of Plenty: The Benefits of a Rights-Based Approach to India's Mid Day Meal Scheme http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/148 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/148 Mon, 22 Aug 2011 08:08:09 PDT In 2001, the Indian Government made the right to food a legal entitlement through various interim orders and legislation. It implemented the Mid Day Meal Scheme (or school lunch program) as a way of guaranteeing children this right. This study uses a general survey of how this program has been promoted by government officials and discussed by Indian scholars, as well as a more specific case study in two schools in the state of Tamil Nadu, to argue that the kind of “rights based approach” advocated in international human rights discourse for the implementation of such programs has largely been lacking in India. Children are given meals at school, but for the most part, little sense of their “right to food.” Interviews with children at a school where parts of a rights-based approach are used suggest that the approach does in fact engender greater understanding of rights and entitlements than occurs in schools where children do not receive such instruction.

]]> Priya Shankar The Military Dimensions of Post-Cold War US Oil Policy: Access to Oil and Consequences for Geostrategy http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/147 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/147 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:52 PDT

My objective is to analyze the military dimensions of United States oil policies since the end of the Cold War. America’s increasing economic dependency on imported oil, a vital input in the health of western economies, has been widely documented, but how does the military understand the role of oil, particularly in war times? I question long-standing assumptions about oil and international politics, particularly regarding “access” to the resource. In the end, I hope to produce a report that will shed light on aspects of the military’s oil strategy that either contradicts or is not captured by the existing scholarship.

]]> Andrew Ryan Schlossberg Democratic Political Socialization on University Campuses http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/146 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/146 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:49 PDT This paper intends to contextualize early research on political socialization with recent developments that provide new considerations for the transmission of democratic political learning at a more advanced learning stage. It attempts to demonstrate this literature on political socialization as the foundation for evaluating the continuing research of the Penn Democracy Project in the field of democratic political socialization of undergraduate students. In light of the political socialization literature, this paper reveals the results of the most recent iteration of the Penn Democracy Project research study, which provide insight into the state of citizenship at the University of Pennsylvania. The overarching conclusion of this study supports the notion that while the University of Pennsylvania offers resources and opportunities for undergraduates to foster civic values, through specialized courses; centers; and funding for clubs, it fails to actively cultivate a shared culture of citizenship among its students. Finally, this paper evaluates strategic policy initiatives to effectively increase democratic citizenship education for undergraduate students at the University of Pennsylvania and introduces possible considerations to transplant this “Penn Model” on other university campuses.

]]> Amit B. Patel ROMA SURRECTA: Portrait of a Counterinsurgent Power, 216 BC - AD 72 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/145 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:47 PDT This study evaluates the military history and practice of the Roman Empire in the context of contemporary counterinsurgency theory. It purports that the majority of Rome’s security challenges fulfill the criteria of insurgency, and that Rome’s responses demonstrate counterinsurgency proficiency. These assertions are proven by means of an extensive investigation of the grand strategic, military, and cultural aspects of the Roman state. Fourteen instances of likely insurgency are identified and examined, permitting the application of broad theoretical precepts to episodes spanning 300 years of Roman power. In summary, Rome demonstrates remarkable counterinsurgent sophistication, suggesting far more savvy and doctrinal agility than is afforded the Roman Empire by most modern observers.

]]> Emerson T. Brooking Does It Still Matter? The Impact of the Vietnam Syndrome on American Foreign Policy http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/144 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/144 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:44 PDT During the Vietnam War there existed a lack of consensus as to what the official policy of dealing with the crisis at hand should be. Starting with Eisenhower and continuing through Johnson, the consensus was that South Vietnam was an area of vital interest to the US that could not be lost to the Communists. After the Gulf of Tonkin incident in 1964, the task of how to deal with Vietnam fell to Johnson. The following years witnessed a messy display of force, the loss of thousands of American lives, and the unsuccessful retreat of the US from Vietnam. Ever since, there has been an element of fear surrounding intervention and the use of force in places that could potentially take the US down this same route of failure. The lessons learned have varied and have coalesced into multiple strategies used by future administrations; however, is it fair to say that the memory of Vietnam and the “syndrome” that developed thereafter, are still driving forces behind creation of US foreign policy? This paper will try to demonstrate through three case studies (the First Gulf War, Somalia, and Afghanistan) that the need to avoid another Vietnam, not just the war itself but the consequences to such a loss, are still relevant factors in an Administration’s decision as to whether or not to intervene abroad.

]]> Jeanne Michele Mariani Pulled Towards the Seas: Whether China Even Needs "Naval Nationalism" To Challenge US Naval Dominance in the 21st Century http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/143 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/143 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:42 PDT This paper argues that China’s strategic focus in the 21st century is being pulled towards the seas powerfully by both economic and geostrategic forces – even more powerfully, in fact, than previous rising land powers such as France in the mid-1800’s and Germany in the late 1800’s. The paper reviews the history of each of these cases, using secondary sources, and then looks for both the actors and factors that drove the rising land power to challenge the dominant naval power at sea. Who were the main actors: was it more a top-down process led by the leadership or a bottom-up process by the public? What were the main factors: was it driven more by geostrategy, economy, technology, prestige, or fear? Finally, the cross-case comparison section compares the historical cases to China today across the hypothesized actors and factors, finding that China may have the strongest reasons for naval development of all the cases. This exploration of China's legitimate strategic incentives for naval expansion challenges recent literature, including Robert Ross's influential article "China's Naval Nationalism: Sources, Prospects, and the US Response", which argues that any real naval expansion by China is a manifestation of undesirable Chinese nationalism.

]]> Daniel M. Silverman Keeping Score in the 2010 World Cup: How Do Sports Mega-Events Compete with Pro-Poor Development? http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/142 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/142 Wed, 20 Jul 2011 10:10:39 PDT This thesis uses the 2010 FIFA World Cup in South Africa, which was framed as a catalyst for economic growth and broader development, to consider the relationship between global sporting events and pro-poor priorities. The study is driven by three main questions. To what extent did the World Cup deliver on its expectations; are event-driven strategies compatible with pro-poor needs; and why, given a priori doubts about the effectiveness of mega-events as development instruments, do political elites and publics embrace them? I find the event piqued international interest and improved perceptions, potentially boosting tourism and foreign investment, but its other impacts were negligible and came at the expense of more critical needs and the marginalized communities it aimed to uplift. The priorities of FIFA and mega-events’ assumptions about economic growth suggest mega-events are incompatible with pro-poor principles. Yet regardless of significant tolls, financial and otherwise, mega-events are embraced based on factors other than the public good, influenced by dynamics of decision-making, perceptions of personal benefit, and symbolic appeal.

]]> Jessica Riegel Bringing Down the House: The Causes and Effects of the Decline of Personal Relationships in the U.S. House of Representatives http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/141 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/141 Fri, 13 May 2011 07:14:06 PDT Over the past 35 years, personal relationships have declined among members of the United States House of Representatives. In the aftermath of the Watergate scandal, polarization and partisanship have risen on Capitol Hill, only to be exacerbated by the impact of Newt Gingrich and the 1994 Republican Revolution. As a result of this increased polarization and partisanship, members of Congress are less able and less willing to forge the personal relationships that are necessary for Congress to function. These relationships make Congress more effective as an institution and result in the body passing more productive legislation. In the absence of these close social bonds, Congress is less effective and does not function the way that it ought to.

This paper identifies several factors that have led to the decline of personal relationships, beginning with a discussion of the impact of the 1994 midterm elections and the new Republican majority in the 104th Congress. Following that is an analysis of external factors (changes outside Congress), which include: members no longer moving their families to Washington, the changing nature of Congressional campaigns and fundraising, the characterization of Washington as a “dirty word,” redistricting, and media proliferation. Internal factors (changes inside Congress) are analyzed next, and they include: centralization of power in the party leadership, a shorter workweek and rules changes, House demographics, and the impact of Congressional delegation trips abroad. A final factor discussed is the role that the President of the United States has on relationships.

Interviews with nine former members of Congress and several former Congressional staffers were an integral part of the research for this paper, as were a variety of books, articles, and reports. So too was previous literature on this topic, some of which is reviewed in this paper, as well as variety of sociology books that explained the nature of relationships. A brief summary and analysis of relationship formation is included in this paper to lay the proper foundation for my argument.

In the conclusion, I offer four practical recommendations that can be implemented to reverse the decline of personal relationships in the House. They are: redistricting reform, return to a five-day workweek, campaign finance reform, and decentralization of the power of party leadership. None of these will be easy to enact or fix the problem on its own; rather, members of Congress need to recognize this as a serious policy issue and take the initiative to solve their relationship problem before they can solve the other problems that the United States currently faces. While Congress may never return to the “good old days” of weekend golf and after-work cocktails, the institution needs to take the necessary steps to make sure that it revives relationships in order pass productive legislation that benefits the American people and moves this country forward.

]]> Evan Philipson Game Changers in US Defense Strategy: An Examination of the Causes Behind the Increased Emphasis on Irregular Warfare Since 9/11 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/140 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/140 Wed, 11 May 2011 15:26:31 PDT Despite the vast research devoted to the shifting focus of the defense strategy toward irregular operations and developing a counterinsurgency doctrine since September 11, 2001, little is known about the driving political forces behind the process. Most assume that the strategy has shifted because after ten years embroiled in two wars—Iraq and Afghanistan—the United States has learned that conventional operations do not work against unconventional enemies. While this is true, how and why the strategy is integrated at the policy level is less well understood. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to fill in this void. An examination of the Quadrennial Defense Reviews (QDR) from 2001, 2006, and 2010 provides solid evidence of the evolution of the defense strategy since 9/11. This study includes an overview of two major theories explaining decision-making in security studies—national interest and bureaucratic politics—which will then act as the lenses through which the doctrinal changes are investigated. Articles written on the respective QDRs coupled with an interview with Dr. Steven Metz, a leading expert in the field of national defense, round out the discussion of the driving forces behind the strategic shift to irregular warfare. This study concludes that both national interest and bureaucratic politics influenced the strategic shift since 9/11, albeit to varying degrees—national interest had the strongest effect in 2001, and then different components of the bureaucratic politics model intertwined with the national interest motivation as new “players” entered the “game” along the way. This investigation demonstrates that political prowess is just as important as the security environment when it comes to transforming the United States defense strategy.

]]> Jessica Parisi Roads of War: Paved Highways and the Rise of IED Attacks in Afghanistan http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/139 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/139 Wed, 11 May 2011 15:26:21 PDT Paved roads have been widely heralded by members of the policymaking world as a useful tool in combating the use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs) in Afghanistan. With the number of IED attacks growing exponentially since 2006, government officials have made the case for greater funding for road construction by explicitly linking paved roads with improved security conditions. This thesis subjects that connection to greater scrutiny and gives voice to the few detractors who contend that paved roads make security conditions worse. Moreover, this thesis examines new data on IED attacks along roads in Afghanistan and concludes that paving has no meaningful effect on the frequency of IED incidents, suggesting that policymakers should reassess the value of road construction projects and the reasoning used to sell those projects.

]]> Evan W. Medina How Congresswomen of Color Affect Policymaking in the U.S.: 110th - 111th Congress http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/138 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/138 Wed, 11 May 2011 09:18:10 PDT Congresswomen of color yield a distinct policy impact in Congress through their perspectives as women and as Americans of color, and through the mix of congressional tools they most often use. Both despite and through the legislative process and the institutional leadership positions they hold, they are able to influence policy by engaging with the executive branch. These more frequently utilized tools include scrutinizing and pressuring the executive branch as advocates, critics and advisers, and public outreach to generate more inclusive and better-informed policymaking. These congresswomen often specifically address substantive interests that are especially pronounced for people of color around the world, women, low-income Americans, and other disadvantaged groups, in policy debates where these considerations are both expected and unexpected. Women of color also adopt a no-nonsense, assertive and persistent style of policymaking. Media content research and other qualitative analyses suggest that Congresswomen of color face more difficulty in gaining credit and attention for their efforts than the average congressperson, which is a disservice to the American public and their understanding of Congress. Their impact is this: their backgrounds as women of color provide expertise and their distinct modi operandi improve the quality of legislation by considering the combined needs of people of color, women, low-income populations, and others both domestic and foreign that the general public is unaware of or purposefully disregard. With a sensitivity to overlooked and disadvantaged peoples, congresswomen of color challenge fellow members of Congress and the American public to broaden their policy concerns to be more inclusive, comprehensive, and just.

]]> Chiyel R. Hayles Cousins Across the Pond: Crises in Westminster and the Parliamentary Model's Usefulness for Reform of the U.S. Model http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/137 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/137 Wed, 11 May 2011 09:18:07 PDT Cory J. Krasnoff Proposition 8: Religion, Morality Politics and California's Same-Sex Marriage Debate http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/136 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/136 Wed, 11 May 2011 07:50:05 PDT This paper explores the relationship between religious affiliation and support for a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage, and how this relationship changes over the course of the campaign. There is a demonstrable connection between religious beliefs and partisan and ideological preferences in the United States (Patrikios 2008; Campbell 2007; Layman 2001). Using Proposition 8 in California (2008) as my primary case study, I consider how religion shapes voter behavior specifically in same-sex marriage ballot propositions and how moral policy decisions most clearly expose the link between religious beliefs and ideological preferences. I find that the predictive capacity of religion with respect to Proposition 8 vote choice increases for the non-Christian vote over the course of the 2008 campaign cycle. In contrast, religion produces stable voting preferences among Christian voters throughout the campaign. From these results, I conclude that the religion effect on non-Christian Proposition 8 vote choice is magnified when accompanied by campaign mobilization, same-sex marriage political salience and the effect of public opinion. My analysis shows that the religion effect, coupled with California’s political opportunity structure, stabilizes Christian Proposition 8 vote preference, while increasing opposition amongst non-Christian Proposition 8 voters over the course of the campaign (Soule 2004). While campaign effects narrowed the gap between “yes” and “no” votes on Proposition 8, California’s ballot initiative system ultimately favors moral policy outcomes that resonate with deeply held religious beliefs (Haider-Markel and Meier 1999). Drawing on survey data from the Public Policy Institute of California, I argue that same-sex marriage electoral outcomes are a product of timely campaign mobilization tactics, the unique California voter initiative system, and religion effects that simultaneously stabilize voting patterns among Christian voters and provide opportunities for non-Christian voters to mobilize against same-sex marriage bans.

]]> Nathalie Jill Kun Baker Drugs and Revolution: The Effect of Narcotics Revenue on Rebel Group Goals http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/135 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/135 Wed, 11 May 2011 07:50:02 PDT This thesis seeks to answer the broad question: how does drug funding affect rebel group goals? More specifically, it explores why rebel groups reliant upon substantial narcotics-related revenue tend to be non-separatist in nature. The thesis tests three cases against five hypotheses in order gain a better understanding of the mechanisms that produce non-separatist goals among drug-funded rebel groups. This includes an examination the development of narcotics-fueled war economies, the role of state weakness in civil war, the reasons for non-separatist conflict perpetuation, as well as the discipline problems that arise as a result of a rebel group’s involvement in the drug trade. The three cases analyzed in the thesis, that of the FARC in Colombia, the Shining Path in Peru, and the Free Aceh Movement in Indonesia, present comprehensive external validation of the paper’s theoretical framework. This paper finds that state weakness, the breakdown of discipline within rebel groups, and the tendency of rebels to perpetuate conflict for profit maximization provide strong evidence of the reasons for the non-separatist nature of most drug-funded civil conflicts.

]]> Gideon Spitzer Multilateral Intervention in Intrastate Conflict: A Comparative Analysis of Bosnia, Somalia, and Darfur http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/134 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/134 Wed, 11 May 2011 07:49:52 PDT Yuri S. Fuchs First Amendment "Beefs": Agricultural Checkoff Programs and Freedom of Speech http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/133 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/133 Wed, 11 May 2011 06:52:50 PDT In the past fourteen years, the Supreme Court has ruled three separate times on the constitutionality of Federal Farm Promotion Programs under the First Amendment. The challenge has been that the programs, which fund generic advertisements such as “Got Milk?” and “Beef: It’s What’s For Dinner,” compel the subsidization of objectionable speech from private producers. The answers handed down from the Court have been conflicting, but each has contributed to the new, still-emerging “government speech doctrine.” In the most recent case, Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Association (2005), the Court ruled that the speech in question was completely governmental and therefore could receive no protection against the compelled subsidization of it. This research project seeks to explore the history of checkoff programs and the legal case history that led the Court to reach this conclusion. Furthermore, this paper asserts that the speech in question is not being classified in the proper way to afford it the scrutiny it deserves. First, the Court treats this speech as government speech when it is at least partially private. Second, the Court treats the speech as commercial speech when it is at least partly political. The findings that misclassifications are shaping the emerging government speech doctrine are concerning. The Court repeatedly fails to acknowledge that speech relating to the production of food is inherently political and thus deserves heightened scrutiny.

]]> Sarah A. Vaughn Women's Participation in Peacebuilding: A Missing Piece of the Puzzle? http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/132 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/132 Wed, 11 May 2011 06:52:47 PDT Mary K. McCarthy Political Opportunity and the TEA Party – Why and Where TEA Party Protests Occurred http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/131 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/131 Wed, 11 May 2011 06:52:43 PDT The TEA Party initially formed in 2009 to protest excessive government spending and skyrocketing debt. Very quickly their message caught on with many Americans across the country. Local groups sprouted up across America without any hierarchical organization directing their efforts. While some national TEA Party groups provide training and funding to certain local organizations, many of these local groups remain fiercely independent of any national affiliation. By examining their most basic political tool, the protest, this paper explains why the TEA Party movement chose certain congressional districts to hold its protests. It discovers that the TEA Party rationally chose certain moderate to conservative districts in which to hold protests. They represented the greatest opportunity for the TEA Party to successfully accomplish its goals.

]]> Daniel Rudofsky The Flat Tax: An Examination of the Baltic States http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/130 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/130 Fri, 29 Apr 2011 10:19:28 PDT The idea of a flat tax, a tax levied at a single rate, has become an increasingly discussed and implemented fiscal strategy across Europe and the rest of the world. Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania adopted flat tax systems in 1994 and 1995, making them the first modern countries to adopt flat tax structures. They subsequently experienced unprecedented economic growth, shocking the world as they emerged as “Baltic Tigers” at the turn of the century. Russia adopted a flat tax regime in 2001, and more than a dozen countries currently maintain some sort of flat tax structure today. However, the actual effect of the flat tax rate on the Baltic countries’ economic growth remains debated.

Though there is clearly timing a correlation between the Baltic States’ economic growth and the implementation of the flat tax, the current economic analysis on the effect of the flat tax rate is largely confined to Russia. Additional research and analysis needs to be completed before determining whether the success of the “Baltic Tigers” can, and if so, to what extent, be attributed to their flat tax policies. The Baltic States are an appropriate laboratory for a number of reasons: they have the longest history for examination, and have many similarities between them including, economy, geographical location, and relationship to Europe. These similarities allow the analysis to control for unique factors in the individual countries and isolate the effect of a flat tax.

Looking at revenue, GDP, and labor supply data, this paper attempts to analyze the effect of the flat tax on these three Baltic states. Using the analysis on these countries, this paper attempts to discuss whether a flat tax rate is an effective and potent growth strategy for transitional economies. The findings of these analyses do not indicate that the flat tax has any definitive positive impact on growth, equity, or labor supply. However, without the simplicity of the flat tax such growth may not have been able to occur in the early years of the Baltic states’ independence.

]]> Deena Greenberg Health Reform Bill Revised: Can HSAs With HDHPs Save Obamacare? http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/128 http://repository.upenn.edu/curej/128 Wed, 15 Sep 2010 11:41:38 PDT My policy proposal is to Implement Health Savings Accounts with a High Deductible Health Plan into the Health Insurance Exchange to remedy some potential shortcomings of Obamacare as currently proposed.

]]> Marla Becker